1/ A smattering of thoughts on Justice Gorsuch's very engaging/intriguing separate opinion in #Carpenter. First, I'm not typically fond of his writing, but the first 11 pages or so are really worthwhile, ...
2/ ... in that they convey the confusion/disdain almost all students/newcomers sense when they first confront Smith/Miller and REP, and are very honest in reflecting how NG was striving to work though the problems w/o the constraints of dubious doctrines.
3/ I believe his tentative solution--Party X has 4A rights in data/papers conveyed to others if she "entrusted" those to the others and would have a legal right to enforce that "trust" (not requiring a property right, as I read it, but a contract right would do the trick, too)...
4/ ... would, if followed, be far broader than Roberts' more modest inroad into the 3d-party doctrine. And that's so even if the principle were narrowed to cover "only" cases in which the gov't "pries" the doc from the trusted person "without his consent" (p.4), i.e., ...
5/ ... to call it a "search" when the government *compels* the trusted party to disclose the data (e.g., Miller), but not when that person *voluntarily* breaches the trust by choosing to help the police (e.g., Smith, Hoffa). Even as so limited, NG's tentative test would be ...
6/ ... a much more comprehensive repudiation of the 3d-party doctrine than anything I've seen. Moreover, he'd also abandon the traditional subpoena doctrine even more than would Roberts! (p.18).
7/ BTW, is he right in assuming that "no one" thinks the gov't can simply subpoena the postmaster--or the recipients--for the letters in Jackson? I'd have assumed otherwise under traditional subpoena doctrine.
HOWEVER, NG (i) doesn't do the work to demonstrate his instinct ...
8/ ... that data about me--information--are "modern-day papers and effects"; and (ii) in the end he doesn't really have the courage of his (tentative) convictions, does he, because he says we "must be wary" of restricting the use of subpoenas for ordinary business records (why?).
9/ And then there's his disposition. He can't truly believe that Carpenter's lawyers "forfeited" his newfangled argument in a way that would preclude Justices from relying upon it. For one thing, @NateWessler *did* argue that Carpenter had a property right in the CPNI. And, ...
10/ ... more to the point, even a failure to argue wouldn't be a fatal forfeiture: After all, Gorsuch and Thomas write separately once a week or so to rely upon purportedly "originalist" and other arguments that the lower courts and parties did not even mention. Perhaps NG ...
11/ ... prefers to wait until he's had more time (and briefing/scholarship) to think through the ramifications of his argument, which is fine--but it's absurd to suggest that Carpenter's counsel tied his hands. end (for now, at least)
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1/ Genuinely befuddled what, exactly, Rachel Mitchell thinks is not demonstrated by a preponderance: She appears to think--unlike all(?) the GOP Senators--not only that Ford wasn't assaulted in 1982, ...
2/ ... but that Ford probably wasn't at the gathering in question at all before she got her driver's license, because "most importantly" she can't recall how she got to or from the house. Curious: How many of us recall how we got to or from *any* gatherings in HS ...
3/ ... to which we didn't drive ourselves? I got driven to countless such gatherings and could not tell you from whom I got 95+% of such rides even though I didn't drink at all. Does that make it more likely than not I didn't really attend them? ...
1/ If I were a judge and learned that a clerkship applicant had read all--or even more than a handful--of my opinions, it'd be virtually disqualifying: pandering that demonstrated horrendous judgment and overweening ambition.
2/ Do other profs actually give such advice? Of course, if there are a handful of egomaniacal judges who expect applicants to have absorbed their life's work, students should be alerted about them, but I wouldn't be terribly eager to advise clerking for such a judge.
3/ Wholly apart from the "how to dress" controversy, if this is truly the sort of advice that #YaleLawSchool students are receiving these days--the example they're being encourage to follow--then I don't envy the challenge for @GerkenHeather in recovering the school's bearings.
2/ The upshot is that I suspect a huge part of the problem, and source of the skepticism of many, is--as is often the case--the vague & confusing way that reporters identify and discuss their sources.
3/ There doesn't appear to be any question that RR made the comments about wires and the 25th in one or two meetings on 05/16/17. RR himself doesn't even dispute it--he insists only that “I never pursued or authorized recording the president ...
1. A few thoughts on the Rosenstein story:
First, the Times headline and lede are surprisingly, and regrettably, far too credulous and unequivocal, asserting that RR in fact made serious suggestions about wearing a wire and moving toward use of the 25th. @adamgoldmanNYT@nytmike
2. As @adamgoldmanNYT and @nytmike explain, however, their account is not based on interviews w/anyone who actually heard RR, but instead with "people briefed either on the events themselves or on memos written by F.B.I. officials, including Andrew G. McCabe."
3. Perhaps RR meant those things--but there's no particular reason in the Times account to think so, and it's almost inconceivable he'd be so stupid and/or naive to make such suggestions seriously in that setting.
1/ Acc. to @adamdavidson, NPR and Politico's inaccurate reports that the cooperation agreement was limited to noncampaign-related info was based on tips from S.H. Sanders and Rudy! Which begs the questions: (1) Why on earth would they (and others) ...
2/ ... *ever* rely on info offered by Sanders and Giuliani, who are obviously ignorant and/or disingenuous in virtually *every* case; and (2) why don't they run stories about how (named) sources have misled them--something that would truly be newsworthy and ... @just_security
3/ ... might actually have the salutary effect of deterring such bullshitting. Good rule of thumb for all writers and readers: The *only* reliable sources here are the public filings and statements by Mueller's team, which (appropriately) doesn't leak. @just_security@lawfareblog
1/ I don't understand why Judge Kavanaugh continues to say that he's never taken a position on whether a sitting POTUS can be indicted. In his '98 GLJ article he wrote that "The Constitution itself seems to dictate . . .
2/ "... that congressional investigation must take place in lieu of criminal investigation when the President is the subject of investigation, and that criminal prosecution can occur only after the President has left office." (citing art. I, § 3, cl. 7, which doesn't say ...
3/ ... let alone "dictate" that). His later writings are more equivocal, and I assume he'd now repudiate what he wrote in '98; but then his view was that the Const. appears to "dictate" not only that prosecution be delayed until after office, but that even *investigation* ...