Slides are split into 'internal security' and 'external security', with cross cutting issues data/information exchange; governance; UK<->Eu secondees.
I'll refer you to my colleagues @CaminoMortera@CER_IanBond for JHA &foreign policy questions; a few points on defence from me:
Spoiler: none of this should be particularly surprising, especially if - shameless self-promotion - you've read my recent policy brief on the topic: cer.eu/publications/a….
(Except that my policy brief also points out where and how these UK demands might not work out.)
On CSDP, the UK offers to contribute to missions& ops on a case-by-case basis, with niche capabilities& with troops. It offers to continue to share classified info, to support EU planning. It offers to pay into financing of ops (common& mission-specific), when it participates.
On the critical question of UK involvement in planning: Britain thinks its involvement should be 'scalable and commensurate' to its contribution - i.e. the more troops and assets the UK offers the EU, the more closely and the more early on it should be involved.
(Slides acknowledge that the EU might want to reform its involvement of third countries in defence planning. More about this - you guessed it - here: cer.eu/publications/a… )
On capability planning: the UK wants an 'ambitious' (read Norway, not Ukraine) Administrative Agreement with the EDA; to participate in the defence planning process (i.e. CARD); and even a permanent liaison to EDA.
Note also: "For UK contributions to programmes to deliver mutual benefit, the UK would require access to both sensitive information and commercial opportunities". This may have been inserted post #Galileo spat....
The UK wants to "keep open the option" to participate in PESCO projects, and it wants to participate in the #defencefund - both in research AND in development strand. (--> Why this will be problematic: p.11 cer.eu/publications/a… )
Finally, #Galileo. This is where the slides, unsurprisingly, become not-so-passively-aggressive.
The UK wants not just access to PRS user data, it also wants its firms to be able to continue to produce the tech that goes into the system.
Read my piece 'A hitchhiker's guide to Galileo and Brexit', to understand why this is so controversial: cer.eu/insights/hitch…
In the piece I argue that the fight over Galileo risks souring security negotiations between UK and EU.
The UK gov seems to agree: UK cooperation on Galileo is "an important test case" of the future depth of operational cooperation and information-sharing post Brexit...
The slides are a good overview of UK position, with no big surprises (though we should keep in mind that UK reps may well go beyond slides in meetings with @MichelBarnier 's people).
.@CommonsDefence has published its report on the UK government's proposals for a future security partnership with the European Union, based in part on oral evidence I gave at the end of last year: publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cm…
I am more pessimistic than I was then: the Defence Fund proposals are not leaving much room for third country involvement, and the Galileo negotiations have set a problematic precedent for the restrictive view the EU takes on the UK as a third country in defence.
Galileo was a perfect storm - bc of ESA contract deadlines negotiations were rushed, member-states not very involved, political pressure in the UK very high, messaging at times misleading. Hopefully negotiations can recover from fall-out, perhaps even take this as cautionary tale
This is an interesting Brexit story, important to clarify that there are two different issues at stake here (thread):
1) UK industrial interests: The Commission through the European Space Agency (ESA), is currently managing a competition for a set of Galileo contracts.
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(Galileo is Europe's own global navigation satellite system, designed as a competitor to the United States’ GPS, Russia’s GLONASS, and China’s Beidou. Plan is for Galileo to be fully operational 2020).
Until now, a British company has been the contractor for Galileo’s payload electronics. However, because under current transition arrangements the UK cannot be granted access to sensitive EU-only information, the EU has introduced a break clause ->
For the record, on 'Does #PESCO equal an EU army?':
PESCO is about increasing interoperability and industrial competitiveness in Europe, and decreasing the number of different weapon systems (through financial incentives for PESCO members to jointly develop capabilities). 1/x
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Military capacities developed within PESCO remain in the hands of member-states that can also make them available in other contexts such as through NATO or the UN. 2/x
Governments do not want to give up their sovereign national prerogative to deploy troops. What makes sense though, is to train and exercise them together to increase interoperability (in fact, NATO does this too, see Framework Nation Concept) 3/x