2. A fundamental principle of the common law is that votes can be declared void for substantial irregularity. If irregularity affects the result of an election it is by itself enough to compel the tribunal to declare the election void.
3. The result doesn't need to be affected. Only a ‘substantial departure’ from the rules, or the election being ‘conducted so badly that it was not substantially in accordance with the law’ is needed to void the ballot.
4. The right to free and fair voting is an inalienable principle of UK law. A statute providing that a ref can be void for overspending isn't needed: it is a fundamental constitutional principle. The larger a vote’s impact, the greater amount of integrity is placed on it.
5. ‘No judgment of a court, no order of a Minister, can be allowed to stand if it has been obtained by fraud. It doesn't matter if separate legal entities did the spending because, with collusion, ‘fraud unravels everything’.
6. According to evidence heard by a HoCs Committee on 27/3/18, the overspend on the ref went into online ads that targeted people based on FB data, without consent or knowledge of UK voters. Cambridge Analytica sold the data to a Canadian corporation, Aggregate IQ Ltd.
7. Dominic Cummings (Vote Leave) employed Aggregate IQ to target 6 m UK voters using psychologically manipulative technology. It is alleged that they had a common plan to exceed spending limits. But, can it be proven that overspending changed the result of the Brexit referendum?
8. Numbers suggest, yes. Just 634,751/33.5 m voters (1.8%) needed to switch to leave over remain. Causation can't be certain. But faced with uncertainty causation is proven not on the ‘balance of probabilities’, but whether an action ‘materially increased the risk’ of a wrong
9. If a court asked, ‘did overspending by Vote Leave materially increase the risk of Brexit?' the answer must be ‘yes’. Time to declare Brexit void? You tell me....
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Official summary of Govt's response to Wilson v PM JR claim (@UKEUchallenge) 👇👇
This thread continues with counsel’s response to the govt's Summary Grounds of Resistance (SGR) and picks up with why the @UKEUchallenge is both arguable and justiciable. /25
The findings of the EC Reports comprised findings of misconduct by Vote Leave & Leave.EU serious enough to amount to ‘illegal or corrupt practices and/or fraud’. This conduct is covered by the RPA as a species of conduct rendering the result of an election void./26
In this species, the one the Claimant relies upon, illegal practice is defined as when a candidate is guilty, or guilty by his agents, of any corrupt or illegal practice. Erlam v Rahman [2015] EWHC 1215 held that proof of its effect is irrelevant and not required. /27
[Thread Pt1] Official summary of Govt's response to Wilson v PM JR claim (@UKEUchallenge) 👇👇
The govt response is preposterous. It misinterprets & distorts the grounds in what can only be described as an attempt to pervert the facts & side step the essence of the claim. /1
The Summary Grounds of Resistance (SGR) tries usual tricks to prevent a claim from getting permission. 1. Time 2. Unarguable 3. Non-justiciable
Each resistance can be strongly refuted by the Claimant; I'll deal with them briefly... /2
Time: @theresa_may first asserts the claim is out of time because it needed to be brought within times ranging from 21 days to 6 weeks. These timing claims originate from Sch 3 of EURA 2015 & the Representation of the People Act 1983. Both can be heavily contested. /3
This thread is to arm fellow European British with essential info about our POSSIBLE future relationship with the WTO and what it would mean for the UK in a no deal situation. Use it to rebut Brexiteer disengenuity and nonsense on the matter - facts matter. /1 #FBPE#WATON#FBR
WTO RULES state that you can’t treat other nations more favourably in trade deals. So, the EU be in breach of their own international Treaties to accept the Chequers Accord. This is highly unlikely; they’d have to make these same allowances for more than 50 other countries. /2
Central to WTO rules is, to trade favourably, then a country must have a hard border to control good entering & leaving the country (as ratified by all 164 WTO members). S.10 of the EUWA18 makes this impossible: the UK can’t create a hard border in Ireland (protecting the GFA)./3
There is a principal issue underlying the case that poses a simple question: is a lawful, free and fair vote one of the constitutional requirements of the UK? It's asked after 2 Electoral Commission (EC) Reports found that illegality & corruption dogged the ref campaign. /2
Let me make this clear. The EC findings were to the criminal standard of proof (beyond reasonable doubt) & serious offences were committed by the designated campaign for leaving the EU (& others), in breach of the statutory framework established by Parliament for the ref. /3
1/ The Chequers Accord was dead before it was written. There are important factors that verify that statement and it is important for both Remainers and Leavers to come to terms with that reality. This thread explains what I mean.
2/ The 4 pillars of the EU are indivisible. The EU and other States can't cherry pick those pillars (people, goods, services and capital). IF the EU decided to allow the UK to split the freedoms it would also have to make the same allowances for 50 plus other countries.
3/ In order for the EU to accept the Chequers Accord they'd be in breach of their own international Treaties. This is extremly impropable. Not just that, WTO RULES state that you cannot provide a better deal for one nation over others.
1.#A50Challenge disputes the govt's claims that a 'decision' to leave the EU has been made 'in accordance with [our] constitutional requirements'. The underlying assumptions of that decision haven't been tested in court. THREAD explaining why the ref result isn't a decision #FBPE
2. In 2011 the Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act was legislated during the 1st Cameroon govt. It was unique as it was a 'madatory' referendum. The same administration legislated for the Referendum Act 2015 as an 'advisory' ref; 2011 bound parliament 2015 didn't.
3. The 1975 ref process was different. It was, what's termed as, a post-legislative ref. In other words, Parliament voted for EC membership, then legislated for the Referendum Act 1975. The assent of the people (67% to 33%) then made that result binding; theoretically.