Request for #twitterstorians. Can anyone recommend an essay where a historian reflects upon the process of developing a relationship to a body of secondary literature? As in, not a historiographical essay, but a self-reflective essay about doing historiographical work. Thx.
I'm asking this because I'm teaching a Historiography course for Sr. history majors this year. There are plenty of examples of good historiographical essays I can share with them. And plenty of memoirs about working in archives. But not for the unglamorous work of lit review.
And to be clear, I'm not looking for a "how to." I'm looking for something that shows a person changing their mind or evolving in their thinking as they work their way through a body of secondary literature.
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1. With the "America is a republic not a democracy" crowd in full voice these days, I figured I'd share this piece I wrote back in 2012 on the meaning of the word "democracy" in the late 18th century. medium.com/@sethcotlar/ye…
2. Here are some of the key takeaways. Significant numbers of people began calling the American political system a "democracy" (with a positive connotation) in the early & mid 1790s.
3. Most (if not all) of the men who wrote the Constitution in 1787 differentiated between a republic and a democracy, and they indeed saw a republic as preferable.
1. Conspiracy theories (like the S*ros and Q stuff) are all "beautiful cacophony of free speech," "haha," fun & games, cultural sideshow until people start acting upon them.
2. It's worth remembering that Nazi Germany was (in its most elemental terms) an anti-semitic conspiracy theory upon which people, and then a militarized state, acted. First they acted by vandalizing synagogues, then boycotting Jewish stores for a day, then Kristallnacht, then...
3. American history is filled with conspiracy theories upon which people acted to one degree or another. Here's a quick list:
1. The modern-day identity of "lib hater" is an improvisational and flexible stew of homophobia, anti-semitism, misogyny, Islamophobia, xenophobia, and racism---all mixed together in different proportions depending on the specific individual we're talking about.
About an hour after @gop President Trump and @gop Senator Grassley claimed that Dem opposition to Kavanaugh was part of a secretive, international, leftist, Jewish (Soros) conspiracy, McConnell has the stones to claim that "the other guys" are deploying McCarthyite tactics.
And here. As @ddale8 noted, this is the first time Trump has used the name "Soros" in a tweet. It is a longstanding dog whistle on the far right. Google "Orban and Soros" to see the sorts of laws Hungary's Trump is supporting re. "paid protestors."
1. Flashback to another similarly charged moment in American political history when a wedding intervened. It's 1796 and the House is considering the controversial Jay Treaty. The deciding vote that broke a 49-49 tie was cast by Frederick Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania.
2. Muhlenberg's constituents were adamantly opposed to the treaty, but his daughter was engaged to marry the son of a leading Federalist who strenuously supported it. That Federalist father-in-law-to-be threatened to call off the wedding if Muhlenberg voted against the treaty.
3. So Muhlenberg buckled, saving his daughter's marriage but destroying his political career. An anti-treaty relative of Muhlenberg's was so incensed by the vote, that he stabbed him. Muhlenberg recovered, but never held elective office again. speakershouse.org/history/
1. G. Washington (1796): "The unity of gov't wch constitutes you one people is...a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty wch you so highly prize."
2. "It is easy to foresee that...much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth...batteries of internal & external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed [against it]."
3. "[I]t is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it..."